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Editor’s Note: Scott Jennings, a senior CNN contributor and Republican campaign adviser, was a former Special Assistant. Former campaign adviser to President George W. Bush and Senator Mitch McConnell. He is a partner at his RunSwitch Public Relations in Louisville, Kentucky. follow him on twitter @ScottJenningsKYThe opinions expressed in this commentary are his own.opinion more opinions on CNN.
CNN
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On Tuesday, Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell will become the longest-serving party leader in Senate history, overtaking the late Mike Mansfield of Montana, who led the Democratic Party from 1961 to 1977.
McConnell’s most recent term in the Senate Republican conference won by a vote of 37 to 10, continuing a highly unusual political dominance in recent Washington.
I’ve known McConnell as a political analyst for over 25 years, worked there, and observed him more recently. His ability to maintain his leadership position in a party that has undergone such a tumultuous change is compelling. It spun like a wind vane in futile attempts.
However, little has changed for the stoic and reserved McConnell, which is a source of frustration for his opponents.
When McConnell took office in January 1985, he said he was looking into his desk from a dark corner of the Senate and thinking, “None of these people will die, they won’t quit, they won’t get beaten.” often hear He often wondered if his tenure was his one of longevity and results, or his short-lived journey on the back bench.
In fact, McConnell has become one of the most important politicians in American history. His longevity and trading prowess have been compared to his idol and fellow Kentucky Henry Clay, who served as U.S. Senator, Speaker of the House, and Secretary of State.
But unlike Clay, McConnell never aspired to the presidency. Rather, he set out to master the world’s largest deliberative body. McConnell moved up from the back row and built a reputation as a campaign street fighter and savvy operator. state), became Republican leader in January 2007 after serving as Senate Republican campaign manager and congressional whip.
Both McConnell’s first and most recent elections as Republican leader came at a time of turmoil for the Republican Party. He rose to the top 16 years ago after, as then-President George W. Bush put it, the Republican Party was “devastated” in the 2006 midterm elections.
And in 2022, the Republican Party has failed to regain a majority. In the words of the Republican leader, “Defense Coordinator.”
It’s never been easy for McConnell. Of his 16 years as Republican leader, he spent two years under lame duck Bush, four years under volatile Trump, and the rest under Democratic presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden. . During his tenure, the Republicans never exceeded his 54 (only 40), and the previous record holder Mansfield said Democrats never fell below his 54, and the Senate was fully elected. It far surpassed his 60, a magical number to establish a strong political power.
What McConnell has achieved has been achieved by a small margin, often from a politically vulnerable position. He makes profits for the party when he can (e.g., the latest comprehensive appropriations bill significantly increased defense spending), but his partisanship and ideology never outweigh his ruling responsibilities. .
His operational protocol is to achieve the most conservative legislative outcome given the circumstances. This strategy has run headlong into a raspy revolutionary in his party who likes no outcome other than winning the next cable TV subscription.
McConnell draws hatred from his political opponents.
A lot of political coverage came next. In my experience observing McConnell, his efforts to stop campaign finance reform and his unwillingness to be freewheeling with journalists in the halls of Congress put off some reporters. It looked like
Don’t lose to the Washington Democrats. Their resentment that McConnell secured his three seats on the Supreme Court during Trump’s presidency has led them to question McConnell’s use of Senate rules to thwart some of their agendas. Not to mention their dissatisfaction, which is a perpetual flame of rage that lights the way of their party.
For many Democrats, McConnell’s vacancy of Justice Antonin Scalia in 2016 and of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in 2020 was not a surprise, despite both Supreme Court vacancies occurring during the presidential election. No, it’s particularly frustrating. McConnell distinguished whether the government was divided at the time (which he did in 2016, but not in 2020). Of course, the Democrats didn’t. Either way, these are his one of the most important decisions of his McConnell career.
The populist right recently backed McConnell, accusing him of not wanting to win the 2022 midterm elections. McConnell-affiliated groups expected him to raise and spend more than $380 million just before the election. By contrast, Trump has spent about $20 million out of his personal war chest, despite having even more money in the bank and playing a major role in determining the Republican general election roster. This criticism must be a hilarious joke in the Democratic cloakroom.
Trump disagreed with former President McConnell’s election denials, released hateful statements about him and made racist insults against his wife, Elaine Chao, who served as Secretary of Transportation in Trump’s Cabinet. McConnell is accused of spitting out
McConnell clearly refuses to respond because he understands the maxim about the futility of wrestling pigs in the mud.
Depending on who you ask, McConnell is either too conservative, too liberal, too partisan, or not partisan. but the only thing that has changed is our perspective. McConnell is not moving at all. He’s not a showman and doesn’t suffer too much from media criticism. For some, that means he’s unfit for politics in this era of performance.
But it seems to this observer that our democracy needs at least some sturdy trees with deeper roots than the latest ideological fads and conspiracy theories.
It was inevitable that institutions and institutionalists like McConnell would ultimately fall under the contempt of the all-burning populists who wield increasing influence in American politics. According to a recent poll analysis published in The Washington Post, since 2018, “Republicans have lost faith in every agency we ask, except local police. …”
But McConnell believes deeply in two things. It is about the role of powerful institutions in our societies and America, civilly and militarily, a force for good in the world.
While Trump and his faction thrive on utopian promises of fragile institutions and isolationism, America historically has not. , that the United States cannot be strong at home.
“In this fallacy, courage and compassion are polar opposites,” McConnell said in a speech at the US Global Leadership Coalition in December. “They see strength and empathy as two ends of the spectrum. In this perspective, hard power and soft power are rivals, and prioritizing our interests is at odds with prioritizing our values.” Thing.
“But here’s the good news: America’s entire history shows it to be completely, completely wrong.”
This battle within the Republican Party will define the final chapter of McConnell’s long career as party leader. Will Trump come back? Will Republicans succumb to isolationism and the erroneous view that America can only walk or chew gum, but not both at the same time?
The debate will heat up over the course of the upcoming presidential primary, but McConnell is definitely not going to change or go anywhere. In our conversation, he seemed more eager and determined than ever to push his worldview forward.
His battle for the leadership position in the Republican convention with Florida Senator Rick Scott has energized McConnell, and his recent public statements put a winning stance on a party that has barely won recently. It shows intent to get back.
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