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We have negotiated with Putin many times, and I am sure that Putin believes that time is on his side. The unity and support for Ukraine will eventually erode and disintegrate. Sure, the Russian economy and people will suffer as the war continues, but Russians have suffered much worse.
For Putin, defeat is not an option. He cannot cede to Ukraine his four provinces in the east, which he declared to be part of Russia. If he fails to succeed militarily this year, he will seize the rest of Ukraine’s Black Sea coast, control the entire Donbass region, and then provide a springboard for future offensives to move west. We must maintain control of positions in eastern and southern Ukraine. Eight years have passed since Russia occupied and invaded Crimea almost a year ago. Expect Putin to persevere in achieving his destiny.
On the other hand, although Ukraine’s response to the aggression was heroic and its military power worked admirably, the country’s economy was in chaos, millions of its people fled, its infrastructure destroyed, its mineral resources Many of the industrial capacities, and considerable amounts, have been destroyed. Agricultural land is under Russian control. Ukraine’s military strength and economy are now almost entirely dependent on lifelines from the West, primarily the United States. Barring another major breakthrough and success for Ukraine against Russian forces, Western pressure on Ukraine to negotiate a ceasefire will intensify as months of military stalemate pass. The ceasefire puts Russian forces in a strong position to resume the invasion whenever they are ready. that is unacceptable.
The only way to avoid such a scenario is for the United States and its allies to urgently provide Ukraine with a dramatic increase in military supplies and capabilities. This is enough to deter new Russian attacks and for Ukraine to push back Russian forces in the East and East. South. Congress has provided sufficient funding for such enhancements. What is needed now is for the United States and its allies to make a decision to provide the Ukrainians with the additional military equipment they need, especially mobile her armor. Even if the deadline has passed, Thursday’s US agreement to provide the Bradley Fighting Vehicle is commendable. The deployment of American Abrams heavy tanks presents serious logistical challenges, so Germany and its other allies must meet this need. NATO members should also provide Ukrainians with long-range missiles, advanced drones, large amounts of ammunition (including artillery shells), more reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities, and other equipment. You’ll need these features in weeks, not months.
Members of Congress and others increasingly ask in our public forums. This is not our battle. But the United States learned the hard way in 1914, 1941, and 2001 that it could not ignore gratuitous aggressions and attacks on the rule of law and the international order. Ultimately, our safety was threatened and we were embroiled in conflict. This time around, the global economy, including ours, is already seeing the effects of inflation and the drag on growth caused by President Putin’s single-minded assault. Better stop him now before more is demanded of the United States and the entirety of NATO. We have partners in Ukraine who are willing and determined to bear the consequences of the war.
President Volodymyr Zelensky’s speech to parliament last month was reminiscent of Winston Churchill’s plea of ​​February 1941. We agree with the Biden administration’s resolve to avoid a direct confrontation with Russia. But an encouraged Putin may not give us that option. The way to avoid confrontation with Russia in the future is to help Ukraine push back its aggressors. It’s a lesson of history that should guide us, giving us the urgency to act before it’s too late.
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