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America’s current Middle East policy emerged after the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the Lebanese Civil War. These seismic events made it clear that Washington’s interests were in stability (crushing conflicts to ensure a steady flow of oil) and containment (containing radicals in Tehran and Beirut and saving their villages from burning to the ground). It has convinced policy makers that this is best served by preventing the spread of village ideology). For over 40 years, this policy has served us well, with notable exceptions. Oil flowed freely, Iran’s hegemonic ambitions were largely thwarted, and most of the region rejected sectarian unrest as a means of solving social problems.
The tanker war of 1987-88, Tehran’s subordination of Lebanon and Shiites to other parts of the world, and the recent global war on terror have highlighted the limitations of this policy. Washington’s approach has proven to be very persistent, with few decision makers. Today they seem eager to falsify what they see as the winning formula. However, it must be tampered with, as outlined below. A widening crack in our foundation means building new policies to meet current and future regional challenges, drawing strength from our strong partnership with Saudi Arabia.
ground to shift
Our approach to the Middle East is based on our generous support of Israel. As Iran moves further out of US orbit, Israel has emerged as a reflection of US values and an ally that policymakers in Washington seek to advance US regional goals. The alliance came at a price — Arabs resented what they perceive as Jewish supremacy, Muslims expelled their devout Abrahamic monotheism from the comfort of Judeo-Christian communities. I wondered why it was excluded — but it facilitated both stability (or similar) and containment (ditto). Whether Israel has consistently reflected American values is an open question, and Benjamin Netanyahu, who was nominated as prime minister, is likely to be the most reactionary government in his country’s history. Worth asking when you inaugurate the promised government.
Indeed, concerns about Israel’s direction may prompt Washington to consider “refining” US policy in the Middle East. Unfortunately, by focusing on this piece of the puzzle, they risk missing the big picture. The ground changed seismically again. Israel is no longer an island of stability in a chaotic region. Aside from the wealth of oil that feeds the coffers of the Gulf states, much of the Middle East is experiencing rising living standards and accompanying expectations.
The World Bank expects the region’s economy to record 5.5% growth this year. This is the fastest growth since 2016, and next year he will grow 3.5%. Despite the failure of the Arab Spring to bring about democratic change, most Middle Easterners live in peaceful societies with low crime rates. Despite the pandemic as well as education and employment issues, the overwhelming majority of Arab youth surveyed last year expressed optimism about their future.
indispensable partner
Of course, Israel will remain a key anchor for US policy, but given the region’s trajectory next year and beyond, Washington will need to secure its interests at multiple pivots. The desires of followers cannot be addressed or taken advantage of. The fierce antipathy of Israel and Iran makes it very unlikely that the Jewish state can play a constructive role in helping the United States make the most of the Islamic Republic’s inevitable implosion. I’m here.
Saudi Arabia, the largest Gulf state and custodian of two of Islam’s holy sites, is an obvious candidate to help bring Washington’s waters. The kingdom has long enjoyed a strong defense relationship with the United States, and for decades, US and Saudi officials face regular disagreements and turmoil that threaten to undermine bilateral ties. I have tried to maintain politeness. Indeed, after Israel, Saudi Arabia is the most indispensable partner in the Middle East. So if working with Riyadh represents such an overt slam dunk, you might wonder why Washington didn’t just grab the ball and drive it off the court.
answer, question
The answer is values. While they are happy to work with Saudi Arabia privately, there is a widespread perception that Saudi Arabia is so different that US officials are reluctant to cooperate publicly. It’s a monarchy, we’re a republic. It shuts women down (not as much as it used to) and we celebrate women’s freedom. It punishes dissent. We defend freedom of expression. Listening to conservative social conventions, we let it hang around.
There is also the question of values. More specifically, do they really matter as much as we think they do? Obviously there are no difficulties, but they are actively indifferent when it comes to the Kingdom’s rights record.
end of childhood
It’s time to drop such childish thoughts. As we struggle to recreate allies in our image, we undermine our ability to articulate how best to achieve lasting security. International relations are a deadly serious game played for maintenance, and it’s better to listen to Otto von Bismarck instead of Oprah. helps you get it done. — It’s great that a country like the UK can play both roles.
But when we need help, and definitely when we need help in the Middle East, whether we commend the parties who are offering help, or how much they help us. We must be mature enough to realize that the enemy of our enemy is our friend when it comes to pursuing our own interests. The White House should reach out to Riyadh. It should dispense with the concept of pride and face and say to the Kingdom, “Come and work with us to find your way forward through the challenges that lie ahead.”
We suggest three steps:
- Invite the de facto ruler, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, to Washington for a strategic summit with President Biden. Will this cause media uproar and partisan cries of hypocrisy? Enlisting Saudi assistance in the matter would be worth squeezing.
- Encourage bilateral investment. Despite the current plunge in oil prices, the Kingdom faces serious economic challenges (including the aforementioned high hopeful youth unemployment rate) that US private sector innovation will overcome may help you to
- Promote people-to-people exchanges. Few things affect our hearts and minds more than a personal encounter that reveals our shared humanity.
Reducing barriers to Saudi students and helping US universities open campuses in the Kingdom will create a cadre of future US and Saudi leaders who deeply understand what the “other” brings.
the time is now
Among the lessons American policymakers have learned from Iran in 1979 and Lebanon in the 1980s was the danger of hubris. Our nation is the most powerful nation in the world, but we are putting ourselves at risk by confusing power with omnipotence. There is no shame in recognizing the need for
Saudi Arabia is uniquely positioned to provide assistance due to its central location geographically, politically, socially and economically. A Biden administration should treat the kingdom as a partner, not a gas station or piggy bank, anchor it firmly in our camp, and influence it with our values. The White House’s mistakes have left Riyadh questioning Washington’s commitment to Saudi security and, more generally, to the region, and now is the time to act. Not doing so is tantamount to pushing Riyadh into the embrace of Beijing and/or Moscow, which does us no good and could potentially do a lot of harm.
Cam Burks is a Senior Fellow at George Mason University. National Security InstituteHe is a corporate global security executive and has previously served as chief security officer and corporate and geopolitical strategy leadership at Chevron Corporation and Adobe. He spent nearly 15 years with the Department of Foreign Affairs as a Special Agent in the U.S. Department of State’s Office of Foreign Affairs and Security and as a Regional Security Officer at the U.S. Embassy. He is affiliated with the Stanford University Network. International Security Cooperation Center.
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