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Rising anti-French sentiment in many of West Africa’s former colonies is forcing Paris to retreat further from its increasingly volatile region and rethink its existence, experts say.
Neighboring Burkina Faso followed suit this week by asking Paris to empty its garrison next month after Mali withdrew French troops last year.
France has already cut its forces across the Sahel region, which just a few years ago numbered over 5,000, but was backed up by fighter planes, helicopters and infantry fighting vehicles.
About 3,000 remain, but forced evictions from Mali and Burkina Faso, as well as the Central African Republic in the south last year, underscore how anti-French winds are gathering strength.
“France wants to maintain a very important political and military presence in its former territory,” said Jean-Herve Jezekel, a regional expert at the International Crisis Group (ICG), a conflict-focused think tank. I am paying for my desires.
Even after the independence movements of the 1950s and 1960s, Paris regularly intervened in the internal affairs of its former colonies, and for decades under an informal policy known as ‘frankafric’, business and continued to dominate political ties.
Today, its influence has dwindled and it faces increasing competition from Russia, but its permanent military presence and the presence of a common regional currency backed by the Banque de France are the pillars of populist politicians. being targeted.
“The idea that a former colonial rule could maintain such a strong military presence is unacceptable to many,” Izeker told AFP, adding, “There are unresolved colonial issues. He added that there was a lingering aftertaste.
Gilles Yabi, founder of Senegal-based think tank WATHI, told AFP: “There is a desire from some parts of society to enter a new phase and have a ‘new independence’. ‘ said.
～Popular French bashing～
The main source of anti-French sentiment was Paris’ military intervention in Mali in 2013 to repel jihadists who were advancing from the north and threatening to overthrow the government in the capital, Bamako.
The operation was successful and the elected government was saved, but the credit was long gone.
A strong French presence was then unable to stop the rebellion from spreading, and the violence spilled over into neighboring countries, now threatening communities across the Sahel region beneath the Sahara Desert.
“(France) is clearly not able to stop the deteriorating security crisis,” said Paul Merry, an expert on the Sahel and a consulting fellow at London’s Chatham House. rice field. based think tank.
“People say, ‘If they’re here, they’re no good,'” he said.
Social media posts have also fueled narratives of France’s exploitation of minerals and gold in the region, as well as its support for jihadist groups.
“For a fragile military government that has only recently come to power, telling France to stand up or withdraw is one way to set the bases aside for a bit,” Merry added.
But attacks on France were not limited to coup leaders in Mali or Burkino Faso.
In Senegal, President Macky Sall has been regularly accused by his opponents of taking orders from his “master” in Paris ahead of next year’s elections, and arch-rival Ousmane Sonko has been accused of ties. support the reset of
– An ally under pressure –
In the meantime, France can count on assistance in regions such as Senegal, Ivory Coast, Niger and Chad.
Niger, where the United States has a major base of special forces and drones, is likely to play an increasingly important role in hosting French forces for counter-terrorism operations.
But Niger’s President Mohammed Bazum faces a delicate balancing act, having to sell the benefits of France’s aid to a sometimes skeptical public.
Chatham House’s Merry said that Bazum and his ministers were “constantly conducting media interviews and displacing their hometowns to tell people, ‘To the northwest is Mali, to the west is Burkina Faso, and these are now countries of bandits.’ I am visiting,” he said.
“Mohammed Bazum is taking a political risk,” said Amadou Bounty Diallo, a professor at Niamey University in Niger’s capital.
“When people are very concerned about their sovereignty, they have to be very careful. They don’t accept everything.”
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